How To Entertain Your Kids Without Videogames | Mac|Life

How To Entertain Your Kids Without Videogames | Mac|Life.

You’re in luck. Plenty of apps for OS X and iOS can give your children something to do — and think about — besides blasting zombies while your hands are full. Finding the right ones will take some investigation, but we can get you started.


Where is Weather, Climate and the Climate Change Con going?

Where is Weather, Climate and the Climate Change Con going?

via Comments from Piers.

Weather Action

CyberInterNetics 2052: Operating Systems Compared: OXS, Windows7 & Ubuntu

CyberInterNetics 2052: Operating Systems Compared: OXS, Windows7 & Ubuntu.

A must read if your thinking about choosing an OS.

It is not Chavez. It is the People.

Revolutionary youth mobilise in Caracas, February 12, 2010.Photo by ABN.

Today, April 14, is a very special date in Venezuelan history – the 8th anniversary of the return to power by President Hugo Chávez after the failed coup d’état, initiated on April 11, 2002. On April 11 some members of the military high command, supported by the private television channels, the Metropolitan Police and Venezuelan Federation of Chambers of Commerce (Fedecámaras) moved against the government, detaining President Chávez and senior members of his government. They demanded but failed to obtain his resignation and first took him to Fort Tiuna just west of the city. Pedro Carmona, president of Fedecámaras was installed as interim president.

Carmona issued a decree (the Carmona Decree), dissolving the National Assembly and Supreme Court, and voiding the 1999 Constitution. On the evening of April 12 the golpistas flew the real president to the remote naval base of Turiamo, near Puerto Cabello in the Caribbean, where he was threatened with assassination. At one point one officer declared to another, “If you kill the president here we’ll all be killing one another.” But the most important story in this saga was about the people who demanded and got their president back, ending the coup and restoring their government.

Petare is one of the largest grand barrios in Latin America with a population of 1.7 million people. It encompasses about 150 barrios within. Jose Felix Ribas barrio (photo) is one of them, resting on an eastern mountainside of Caracas, home to 120,000 Venezuelans. Most of them are fervent revolutionaries and supporters of President Chávez.Photo by Emma Lynch, BBC

On my first visit to Venezuela in 2004-5, I walked through Baruta, one of the great barrios that cascades down a Caracas mountainside like a waterfall in blocks of red-roof, multicolored houses stacked one above the other, separated by crowded narrow streets and walkways. With “Oscar”, my translator & guide at my side and recorder and camera in hand, I was seeking my first interviews of the Venezuelan people. Oscar first introduced me to a policeman stationed at a security kiosk on a busy intersection. The policeman took my name and passport number before nodding for us to pass into the heart of the barrio. As we walked up a typical narrow passage between houses and stores, I suddenly spied an elderly woman who was standing behind the counter of her little store with only a pull-down, metal security gate, separating her store from the street. She sold one thing only – watches that cost about $10 or less.

Pointing, I told Oscar, “I’d like to interview her.” She stood behind her counter, primly dressed in purple with a bright scarf tying back her gray hair. As she saw this gringo approaching she seemed to stiffen up a bit, squaring off to face me while looking over the shoulder of a customer. After her customer left, Oscar introduced me, “Senora, this is my friend Les, a perodista, visiting from the United States and he would like to interview you for a publication on his website.” She nodded in agreement without a word and I asked her a few benign, preliminary questions; then, “In the United States we have been hearing a lot about your country and many of us are very curious about what’s happening here in Venezuela.” She nodded again. – “In the United States, we have read many things about the way they kidnapped your president 2 years ago but we’d like to know from people like you what really happened at that time.”

This small, trim woman, 75 years of age, firmly planted physically and ideologically, replied with a serious tone, “Well, what would you like to know?”. Frankly a little intimidated by her, I asked, “Well, for example, if you don’t mind saying, where were you on April 11, 2002 when they came to Miraflores Palace and took the president away?”. Setting herself squarely on two feet and placing her wrinkled hands on the glass countertop over her watch display, she immediately replied, “I was right here – in my store!” – “Can you tell me what happened that day?”. She relaxed a bit and explained,

“Well, we heard some rumors about something going on at Miraflores and everyone turned their televisions on but there were only cartoons on all the channels. We couldn’t get any news on the television, but we had these,” as her hand shot up from behind the counter with a mobile telephone. “And we had them!” – pointing to a motor bike sitting in front of her store. “So with our telephones and the boys on the motos, we found out and we got word around that they kidnapped our president and he didn’t resign like some people said.”

“And then?”, I asked. Matter of factly she replied, “Well, the next day we walked down there – all of us – to Miraflores and demanded that they bring our president back.” (It took me an hour to get to her store by bus from Central Caracas.)

On April 12, hundreds of thousands, possibly a million of the newly liberated poor, poured down from the barrios surrounding Caracas and other poor neighborhoods into Central Caracas, stormed the gates of Miraflores, facing the soldiers, looking down the barrels of automatic weapons, refusing to leave and demanding that their president be brought back to his democratically-elected place. The troops refused to fire on their own people and instead retook the presidential palace without firing a shot. They brought President Chávez back on a military helicopter in the small hours, about 3 a.m. on April 13 to the masses who were still waiting outside the gates at Miraflores. The infamous coup ended 47 hours after it began and its criminal architects who were not shot or even imprisoned have faded into oblivion. Only their snipers who shot people down in the street are in prison today.

Even today, 8 years later, when I hear the arguments of the opposition and ask them about the 2002 coup, they denounce it. They no longer want to be identified with that massive failure even though many of them supported it at the time and would still be delighted to see the government overthrown, but successfully the next time. Meanwhile, the Bolivarian Revolution grows progressively stronger constructing a socialist society, without violence or repression and according to constitutional law in a democratic process. It doesn’t move as rapidly as some would like, but El Presidente confidently smiles and reminds us, “Poco poco”. (step by step)

Returning to my story in Barrio Baruta, I then ventured to tell this stately, elegant woman of years, “I have read stories – I don’t know if they are true or not – that there are people who want to remove your president even if means assassinating him.” I asked, “What would you and your friends do if they assassinated President Chávez?” Her broad, disarming smile, the first in this interview, surprised and puzzled me, considering the nature of my question …

“Oh Señor, you don’t understand, do you! We love our president, but this is not his revolution. This is our revolution and it will always be the revolution of the people. If President Chávez goes, we will miss him dearly but we will still be here. We are revolutionaries and we will always be here. We will never go back!”

I thanked the woman who owned the little barrio watch store and walked away, spirit rising and tears on my cheeks flowing from my first meeting with people who now realize their power over any government that would ever think about controlling them or their destiny. It was on my first visit to Venezuela, that day in Barrio Baruta, that I knew I had to live with them and learn from them things that I never before imagined.

Bio and more essays by Les Blough

© Copyright 2010 by

This material is available for republication as long as reprints include verbatim copy of the article in its entirety, respecting its integrity. Reprints must cite the author and Axis of Logic as the original source including a “live link” to the article. Thank you!

Organic Farm Grows Your Organic Food for You / Organic Farm Business Opportunity


This is a great business opportunity to grow your own organic foods and make money from your crop at ‘My Organic Acres”. You can also donate to the homeless a share of whatever you grow. They have very reasonable lease prices.
Click on this link to Pre-Register for Free —
My Organic Acres has a 25,000 square foot organic farm in Oregon where you can lease a portion of the farm. A farmer will grow your own chosen fruits and vegetables, and have them shipped to your door. You can spread the word about this program and achieve referral bonuses for doing so up to 5 levels deep. An amazing risk free and profit making program.

This Day Has Come…

Lessons from Obama Election…

Obama’s Election: Lessons for Defeating White Supremacy and Rebuilding Revolutionary Resistance

Posted: 18 Nov 2008 07:26 AM CST

By Michael Novick

The election of Barack Obama has been greeted in a variety of ways: elation and relief (tempered by fear of a racist backlash or assassination attempt) by supporters, particularly US Africans; predictions of enhanced recruitment opportunity by organized white supremacists; doomsday predictions by conservatives. On the left there have been “exposes” of Obama’s Zionism, militarism and dismissal of the particular needs of Black people or the working class. A group of DC anarchists has called for a disruption of his inaugural. – But any analysis needs to start from this reality: masses of people in the US feel they have helped make and change history by electing Obama. His victory is indeed historic in many ways. It required the largest voter turnout ever, and the highest percentage of registered voters to vote in decades. Obama gained a clear majority, the highest percentage by a Democrat since FDR except for Johnson’s landslide after the JFK assassination. He ran the most expensive campaign in history. He is the first “bi-racial” (called Black or African-American) president-elect, and incidentally the first child of an immigrant, the first Hawaiian-born, one of the youngest, and by far the least “embedded,” president. Moreover, his was the first victory by a self-proclaimed ‘anti-war’ candidate in the midst of a war. But Obama’s victory hardly signals that we are a “post-racial” society, as evidenced by the self-contradictory self-congratulation of those who proclaim that “by electing the first Black president” we have shown that we are “color-blind.” Exit polls showed that about a fifth of ‘white’ voters acknowledged that “race” was a significant factor. Interestingly, of those, 30% voted for Obama. One explanation of this is the fact that Obama’s race made his intellect acceptable. US voters would never have elected a ‘white’ candidate as obviously intelligent as Obama. Yet they accepted and understood that a ‘Black’ candidate would have to be twice as smart, twice as cool, as any ‘white’ to have a chance to succeed. Paradoxically but perhaps most essentially, Obama’s election is also a manifestation of the extent of the radical left’s weakness, irrelevance and inability to communicate. Over the past eight years of Bush misrule, what effective strategies or serious ability to develop a countervailing force or consciousness has the left or the anarchist movement manifested? In that vacuum, people made a judgment that Obama represented the best hope for the kind of change that could be achieved through electoral means. This was not merely because he was ‘Black,’ but because he was intelligent, calm, organized, and an effective and reassuring campaigner. McCain’s charges of ‘inexperience’ didn’t stick because Obama was attractive as a relative outsider not deeply corrupted by long tenure in Washington, DC or in office. His mild centrist critique of the Iraq war made ’sense’ in a context in which the anti-war movement had proven incapable of making a dent or marshaling an extra-parliamentary opposition and resistance to the war. Within the Democratic Party spectrum — and the anti-war movement has been tailing the Democrats for years — he was the electable ‘opponent’ of the Iraq war. To imagine that a proclamation of opposition to Obama’s inauguration as a capitalist and statist will do anything to overcome the left’s weakness, irrelevance and inability to communicate — in fact, that it will do anything other than deepen and intensify those failures — is the height of arrogance. I have a different take on what we have to do or learn in response to Obama’s victory. It starts with the perspective that the greatest on-going weakness of the left strategically and politically is a refusal to recognize the nature of this society as an Empire based on white-supremacist settler colonialism. Related to that is our greatest tactical flaw, an inability to practice authentic self-criticism, through which we learn from our errors and defeats in order to eventually overcome them and win. Our failure to do that has engendered a deep defeatism in masses of people — manifest as accommodation to Empire and unwillingness to struggle against or even make a sharp break with the system. One thing this election has demonstrated is how far into the past the revolutionary militance of the civil rights and Black power movements and the mass anti-imperialist opposition to the Vietnam War and domestic colonialism have receded. McCain’s inability to make the Bill Ayers smear stick to Obama was because not only Obama but most of the electorate was no older than 8, or perhaps not yet born, when Ayers was an armed-propaganda radical. That period of revolutionary optimism, when the Black Panther Party, the Black Liberation Army or the WUO were the tip of the iceberg of a massive upwelling of rebelliousness and armed resistance, is now ancient history. (Speaking of white privilege and class, Obama never would have associated with ex-BLA members, nor would any have been on the board of an Annenberg charity.) No amount of posturing could “Recreate 68″ (or even 2000) in Denver for the DNC or in DC for the inaugural. 47% of high school seniors in the US today were registered to vote in time for the election, and I suspect an overwhelming majority of them cast their first ballots. They were born while the first George Bush was president! Who better to speak to them than Anti-Racist Action, which has historically been an attractor of high schoolers? Yet ARA’s current ability to do outreach, education, agitation and organizing in high schools (or prisons, factories, community colleges or the military) is miniscule. The DC call relates that anarchists opposed and disrupted the last two inaugurations, and therefore should do the same again. This flawed reasoning lacks a material analysis of the consciousness of masses of people in relation to the electoral process and the presidency. Bush’s two stolen victories undermined the authenticity and legitimacy of the electoral process and of the imperial presidency. For his first inaugural, he was anointed president by the Supreme Court after having lost the popular vote. For his second, he was plagued by an unpopular war and evidence of vote flipping and vote suppression. Protesters and disrupters were speaking for millions when we denounced the inaugurals and the presidency, and our message fell on receptive ears. The current situation is far different, and blaming it on the voters is another example of the left’s lack of self-criticism and ability to grow. Obama’s victory signals a new lease on life for the presidency, electoral politics and the two-party system. Obama won by a clear majority, in which voter suppression was a negligible factor and in which all minor parties together barely hit 1% of the vote, including McKinney, Nader, Barr and Baldwin combined. His inauguration, even apart from the historicity of his “Blackness,” is being welcomed by the overwhelming majority of the US population as proof of the “mystery and majesty” of electoral democracy. In that context, a disruption wouldn’t express the unease of the general population in a radical and uncompromising way, but would be taken as an alienating slap in the face. It wouldn’t be seen as a call to a higher form of direct democracy, but as a rejection of the popular will expressed through a peaceful, honest and democratic election and transfer of power. Now is the time for a sober reassessment of how to grapple with these new realities. Obama did not merely collect millions of dollars from hundreds of thousands of people — he established a relationship with them. He organized effectively tens of thousands of volunteers, and turned out tens of millions of people to vote. Why has the left or the anarchist movement been incapable of inspiring, stimulating or organizing anywhere near that level of support, involvement, voluntarism or participation? How can we start to do so? Obama accurately read the demographic, technological and ideological changes that are taking place in the U.S. and effectively offered himself and his campaign as a vehicle for implementing or realizing some of the aspirations those changes have generated. Obama seized on the opportunity of the latest and deepest capitalist economic crisis to develop a compelling narrative of how a lack of regulation, a lack of attention to the ‘middle class,’ and an arrogant unilateralism in ‘foreign policy’ weakened the economy, national security and the fiscal stability of the state. Neither the statist left nor the anarchists are anywhere close to having the intellectual, political or organizational capacity to challenge that narrative or that definition of “change.” Unless and until we engage in a thoroughgoing self-criticism and re-orientation towards an anti-colonialist politics of decolonization as the basis of an effective anti-capitalism, we will be playing with ourselves on the sidelines of history. We need to put forward and undertake effective organizing strategies, not merely demands, for self-determined direct action against economic and environmental devastation, mass incarceration, militarism, occupation and anti-immigrant hysteria. We need to participate in building self-reliant communities of resistance. It is only oppressed and exploited people who can make revolution, and save the planet by saving ourselves. Go to the 25% of ‘homeowners’ who owe more on their mortgage than their home is worth and unite them with the homeless. Go to 30% of “War on Terror” veterans who report no earned wage income, and who have massive unemployment rates, and help unite them with GI resisters, with teens resisting recruitment, or with millions of prisoners and their families. Then we can begin to make some history of our own. The editorial above appears in the November-December 2008 issue of “Turning the Tide: Journal of Anti-Racist Action, Research & Education,” Volume 21 Number 6. A free sample copy of the entire issue is available by writing ARA-LA, PO Box 1055, Culver City CA 90232, emailing, or calling 310-495-0299. Subscriptions are $18 a year in the US, $28 institutional/international, payable to Anti-Racist Action at the above address. Comments and responses are most welcome.

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